| Brasil: Toward the Continuation of Lulismo |
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| Written by Raúl Zibechi |
| Thursday, 14 October 2010 17:16 |
![]() Source: Americas Program
Dilma Rousseff came very close to winning in the first round of voting in Brazil, she ended up on the threshold of the government currently led by Lula de Silva. Lula, the most popular president Brazil has ever had, is stepping down after eight years that changed the face of the country and transformed its place in the world.
How can it be that a nearly unknown woman, who barely had 8.4% of projected votes two years ago, is about to become the next president of Brazil? Lula’s role, along with his 80% approval rating, has undoubtedly been a key factor. But Lula achieved his phenomenal backing for a number of internal and external reasons that merit close analysis. A phenomenon called lulismo was born during his eight-year presidency that explains Dilma’s success. Electio results show that Rousseff, candidate for the ruling PT (Worker’s Party), got 46.9% of the vote, followed by social democrat José Serra of the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) with 32.6% and the ecologist Marina Silva (Lula’s former minister) with 19.3%. On October 31, the day of the second round of votes, Dilma will need four million more votes to become president. These figures are very similar to those Lula obtained the two times he was elected president. In 2002, Lula got 46.4%, compared to Serra’s 23.1%, and in the second round he climbed to 61%. In 2006, he got 48.6% to Geraldo Alckmin’s 41.6%, but in the second round he again achieved 61%. If nothing extraordinary happens, it’s very likely that Dilma will garner some 55% of the votes in the next round. New Power Relations
Lula’s eight years in power changed Brazil’s political landscape. This change was reflected in regional elections for governors, senators and representatives. The PT won the states of Sergipe, Bajía, Rio Grande do Sul and Acre, and in the second round it will win in the Federal District (Brasilia), where its candidate already has 48% of votes. Its nine allied parties took control of Rio de Janeiro, Pernambuco, Ceará, Maranhao, Piauí, Mato Grosso, Espiritu Santo and Mato Grosso do Sul. The social democrat opposition won the majority in Sao Paulo, the country’s largest electoral entity, and Minas Gerais, the third biggest, along with Paraná and Tocantins. The conservative party DEM (Democrats, formerly PFL, or Liberal Front Party) only won in Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Norte. The Oct. 31 second round will be held in eight states and the Federal District. In the senate, the government alliance went from 39 to 59 seats, putting it in the majority. Of the 54 senators elected on Sunday, 43 belong to the government alliance, which means a significant setback for the opposition, which had made the Senate a sort of bastion against the government. By parties, the centrist PMDB (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party) went from 17 to 20 senators, the PT from 8 to 15, while Serra’s social democratic party went from 13 to 11 and the DEM from 9 to 6. In the Chamber of Representatives, the government took control of 60% of the seats. For the first time ever, the PT became the majority party, going from 83 to 88 seats. The two principal opposition parties, PSDB and DEM, lost 34 seats and the Partido R (Republican Party) of artist and entertainer Francisco Everardo Oliveira Silva, also known as the payaso Tiririca, climbed from 23 to 40 representatives. Of the 513 elected representatives, those who support Dilma number around 310. If she wins in the second round, she’ll have a comfortable majority in both chambers, something Lula never had. The results show not just a growing strength in the parties that support the government, but also a significant drop in the traditional opposition. The changes over the last ten years are surprising: the DEM (Democrats) went from 105 representatives in 1999 to 42, the PSDB from 99 to 56. The DEM, which worked through favoritism, had its primary support base in the northern and northeastern regions of the country. Now, these regions show broad support for the PT, which grew from 59 representatives to the current 88. All signs indicate that the old northern caudillos (political bosses) have been pushed out of politics, and in particular out of the senate where they had their strongest hold. In their place, new actors have appeared. The payaso Tiririca coined a slogan that represents the perspective of many: “What does a federal representative do? To tell the truth, I have no idea. But if you vote for me, I’ll tell you.” As a candidate for the Chamber, he won more votes than any other candidate in the country, with 1.3 million votes from Sao Paulo alone. In Rio, voters elected Romario and Bebeto, ex 1994 world champion soccer players, as their representatives. These examples may very well reveal profound cultural changes that must be analyzed. Lula in the Hearts of the Poor
In the 2006 elections, when Lula was re-elected president, lulismo was born alongside public policies that modified Brazil’s social geography. The country is no longer a nation of poor people. Over the last eight years, some 25 million Brazilians left poverty behind and became part of the consumerist middle class. These changes do much to explain Lula’s consistent and solid support as he leaves the presidency with a nearly 80 per cent of popular support. Lula was elected in 2002 without the majority support of the poorest sectors, comprised of households which earn less than two minimum wages. Since the 1989 elections, when Lula was defeated in the second round by Fernando Collor de Melo, Brazil’s poorest gave him the cold shoulder. While the former steelworker leader was ahead in the other income sectors, the difference in his support between the fourth and fifth lowest percentiles led to his defeat. A meticulous study done by political scientist and former government spokesperson during Lula’s first term in office, André Singer, concluded that “the poorest of the poor were more hostile to the strikes than the richest,” to the extent that they were the ones who most supported military repression of the strikers.[1] The study also affirms that, according to surveys, these same sectors want State intervention to reduce inequality, but want to “avoid social movements that can upset order.” Their rejection of Lula and the PT the seems to have been based on a preference for changes maneuvered from the top, a sort of “popular conservatism,” according to Singer. After four years of government, things changed. Lula was abandoned by part of the middle class, but cultivated support in very poor sectors that had not voted for him before. The secret, according to Singer, was the Bolsa Familia program, which went from serving 3.6 million families during the presidency of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, to almost 12 million in 2006. In the north and the northeast, the places where the cash aid program was most present–covering up to 65% of the population in some states– Lula was unbeatable. The 24% real increase in the minimum wage since 2006 (a 54% increase over the eight-year term), also helps explain the change in political allegiances. Finally, the significant expansion of credit to popular sectors, combined with their use of banks, caused a huge increase in the capacity for consumption of goods, especially of appliances. Based on this data, Singer reaches a striking conclusion: lulismo “expresses a phenomenon of representation based on a break up of a class that, although it is the majority, has been unable to build its own forms of organization from below.” Indeed, in the first round of the 2006 elections Lula won nearly 55% of the votes in sectors that earn up to two minimum wages per household. In the second round, he gained 64%, while his opponent Geraldo Alckmin barely got 25%.
Petrobrás: The Crown Jewel Need to Open up Debate A good many Brazilian thinkers, almost all former PT militants, have spent the last few years reflecting on recent changes in “their” party and the decisions made by “their” leader, which have turned him into a referent of the World Economic Forum of Davos. Perhaps the most aggressive of his critics is Francisco de Oliveira, sociologist, founder of the PT and, later, of the PSOL (Socialism and Freedom Party). His analysis affirms a transformation within the forces for change, particularly in labor unions. The most powerful sectors of unionized workers became administrators of business pension funds, integrating administrative boards with worker representation. Case in point: Previ, the Bank of Brazil pension fund, has 80 billion dollars in assets that they invest primarily in large Brazilian multinationals. De Oliveira calls this “a new class”, with a fluid relationship with the finance sector, since pension funds are one of the areas in which capital is accumulated most quickly and consistently, but now under the control of the workers.[7] In a more recent work, “Hegemony Backwards,”[8] he develops a concept as novel as it is polemic. He claims that there was an enormous change resulting in a situation in which “it’s no longer the dominated who consent to their own exploitation,” but “the dominators, capitalists and capital, who consent to being politically managed by the dominated.” The only condition the powerful place on those who govern them is that whoever is in charge “not question the capitalist model of exploitation.” Controversial. Many thinkers are trying to work through such situations in countries like Brazil, which De Oliveira compares to South Africa after apartheid. Such situations could present themselves in other countries in South America, where pragmatism, from the top and the bottom, is creating realities that defy the imagination and, sometimes, common sense. Raúl Zibechi is an international analyst for Brecha of Montevideo, Uruguay, lecturer and researcher on social movements at the Multiversidad Franciscana de América Latina, and adviser to several social groups. He writes a monthly column for the Americas Program (www.cipamericas.org) Translated by Jenny Marie Forsythe Footnotes: [1] André Singer, ob. cit. [2] Folha de Sao Paulo, September 13, 2010. [3] Valor and Exame Magazines, September 23, 2010. [4] Folha de Sao Paulo, September 23, 2010. [5] Exame, September 24, 2010. [6] Idem. [7] Francisco de Oliveira, “O Ornitorrinco,” ob. cit. [8] Piauí Magazine, January 2007. Resources: André Singer, “Raízes sociales e ideológicas do lulismo”, revista Novos Estudos, No, 85, Cebrap, noviembre de 2009. Francisco de Oliveira, “O ornitorrinco”, Boitempo, Sao Paulo, 2003. Francisco de Oliveira, “Hegemonía as avessas”, Piauí, January, 2007. Rudá Ricci. Lulismo. De la era de los movimientos sociales al ascenso de la nueva clase media brasileña, Contraponto, Brasilio, 2010. Political Party Abbreviations (Number of Elected Representatives) Government Alliance PT: Workers’ Party (88). PMDB: Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (80). PR: Republican Party (38). PSB: Brazilian Socialist Party (36). PDT: Democratic Labor Party (27). PC do B: Communist Party of Brazil (15). PRB: Brazilian Republican Party (10). PSC: Social Christian Party (17). PTC: Christian Labor Party (1). Opposition PSDB: Brazilian Social Democracy Party (56). DEM: Democrats, formerly PFL (Liberal Front Party) (42). PPS: Socialist People’s Party, formerly PCB (Brazilian Communist Party) (12). Other Parties PP: Progressive Party (40). PTB: Brazilian Labour Party. (21). PV: Green Party (14). PSOL: Socialism and Freedom Party (3). PMN: Party of National Mobilization (5). PT do B: Labour Party of Brazil (3) |








